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Juan Vázquez de Mella

Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul (8 June 1861 – 18 February 1928) was a Spanish politician and a political theorist. He is counted among the greatest traditionalist thinkers and is sometimes considered the finest author of Spanish Traditionalism of all time. A politician active within Carlism, he served as a longtime Cortes deputy and one of the party leaders.

Also recorded as Juan Vazquez de Mella

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Name: Juan Vázquez de Mella
Birth Name: Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul
Born: 8 June 1862
Birthplace: Cangas de Onís, Kingdom of Spain
Died: 26 February 1928 (age 66)
Place of death: Madrid, Kingdom of Spain
Full name: Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul.
Nationality: Spain
Occupation: politician · writer · philosopher
Education: University of Santiago de Compostela
Languages: Spanish

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Juan Vázquez de Mella (8 giugno 1861 – 26 febbraio 1928) figura come politico, scrittore e filosofo negli archivi di autorità della Deutsche Nationalbibliothek.

Vita

Juan Vázquez de Mella nacque a Cangas de Onís (8 giugno 1861) e morì a Madrid (26 febbraio 1928).

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• Name — Juan Vázquez de Mella • Birth Name — Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul • Born — 8 June 1862 • Birthplace — Cangas de Onís, Kingdom of Spain • Died — 26 February 1928 (age 66) • Place of death — Madrid, Kingdom of Spain • School Tradition — Carlism Mellismo Traditionalism • Era — 19th/20th century philosophy • Region — Western philosophy • Spanish philosophy

Family and youth

• Illustration — Cangas de Onís Juan Antonio María Casto Francisco de Sales Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul was descendant to an old, though not particularly distinguished Galician family; its best known representative was a 15th-century-cardinal of Zamora. There were mostly military men among Juan's ancestors along the paternal line, related to various towns in Galicia; military were also his grandfather, Andrés Vázquez de Mella, a native of Filgueira, and his father, Juan Antonio Vázquez de Mella y Varela (died 1874), born in Boimorto. The latter, rising to teniente coronel, proved a rather restless figure and by some was described as exaltado. The man of clear Liberal convictions, for supporting the Espartero coups he was fired from the post of administrador de aduanas in 1840 and imprisoned in 1843. Soon restored to previous post in Lugo, in 1848 he was promoted to intendente provincial in Oviedo, the same year posted to Seville and later to Málaga. In the late 1850s transferred to Covadonga, he resigned from the army in 1860, once his application to join the troops fighting in Morocco had been rejected. Active in the local Liberal realm, allegedly he declared the republic in Cangas in 1873; his son later denied that he had been a Republican. Juan Antonio married Teresa Fanjul Blanco (died 1893), a native of Amieva and descendant to a locally recognized family; her father ran a commerce and tanning business. The couple settled in Cangas and had only one child. After death of her husband, the widow was first assisted by her brother, who inherited the family enterprises; following differences with her sibling she moved to live with her cousins in Galicia, where Juan spent his childhood. It seems that he identified himself with Galicia rather than with Asturias. According to opponents he was "born into opulence"; he rather admitted "en las perspectivas de la opulencia", which failed to materialize following death of his father; according to some, he spent most of his life bordering poverty and actually died in poverty. • Illustration — Valdediós college In 1874 the young Juan entered Seminario del Valdediós near Villaviciosa; though not an excellent student, he used to gain "diplomas de tercera clase" a few times. He demonstrated a penchant for letters, reading books and periodicals instead of playing with his classmates. Having obtained bachillerato in 1877, he enrolled at Universidad de Santiago; he preferred to study Filosofia y Letras, but as such department did not exist in Santiago at the time, he settled for law, the subject he approached with disgust. As a result, he did not make a systematic student, recorded rather for pursuing his own interest and spending more time in libraries than in lecture halls. The year of his graduation is not clear; none of the sources consulted clarifies how he made a living in the early 1880s, when he lived with his mother in Santiago. Tending to solitude from early childhood he has never married and had no children, though at one point he was supposed to marry a Pamplonesa, María Baleztena Ascárate.

Provincial columnist to Madrid editor-in-chief (before 1890)

• Illustration — El Pensamiento Galaico Juan was orphaned by his militantly Liberal father when entering the teenage period; despite Carlist antecedents among his paternal uncles, there is neither any indication that he inherited Traditionalist outlook along the family line. Scholars tend rather to suspect that the young Vázquez de Mella embraced it during the academic period. For some time he served as secretary to professor José Fernández Sánchez, an acquaintance of Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo; de Mella had access to their lengthy correspondence and was exposed to the doctrine. He left the university already as a Traditionalist; unlike most Carlists, he espoused the concept not by means of inheritance or intuition, but as a result of intellectual speculation. In the early 1880s he was first noted in public realm as an orator in the compostelan Ateneo and in Academia Católica de Santiago. At unspecified time though probably in the mid-1880s de Mella commenced co-operation with some conservative periodicals; the two identified are La Restauración, a Madrid weekly managed by Francisco de Paula Quereda, and the Santiago daily El Pensamiento Galaico. Little is known about his contributions, as there are almost no copies of both preserved in the archives. At least his Pensamiento pieces must have made an impact beyond Galicia, as they were noticed in Madrid; this refers in particular to a series of vehemently anti-Nocedal articles, published in wake of the Integrist breakup from Carlism in the late 1880s. As the breakaway Nocedalistas controlled El Siglo Futuro, previously the national party mouthpiece, the claimant Carlos VII decided to set up a new semi-official Carlist newspaper; the daily materialized in 1888 as El Correo Español, desperately short of good contributors. According to some scholars it was the Carlist political leader, Marqués de Cerralbo, who invited de Mella to contribute; according to the others, it was rather the manager of Correo, Luis Llauder. • Illustration — El Correo Español At the turn of the decades de Mella started to contribute to Correo as a correspondent; in the meantime he grew to manager of El Pensamiento Galaico, the job held until 1890. Initially he kept publishing under various pen-names, most of his essays having been doctrinal ones, with some focus also on society and regional establishments. At some point de Mella was invited to move to Madrid and enter the editorial board, the offer he accepted. When Correo achieved stability and moved out of its teething phase, Llauder decided to return to Barcelona; his position of director was assumed by the former redactor jefé, Leandro Herrero, whose job was in turn offered to de Mella. Either in 1890 or 1891 de Mella became editor-in-chief, formally subordinate of Herrero, but politically instructed to follow the guidance of Cerralbo. Scholars are not certain who followed whom; they note that already at that point Cerralbo was visibly impressed by de Mella and tended to accept his authority of a theorist.

Rise to political prominence (1890–1900)

• Illustration — Marquis of Cerralbo De Mella's assumption of chief editor role stirred controversy. He was reported as rather loosely approaching his duties, working short hours, being absent from the office for 2–3 days and pursuing own interests. Alarmed by Herrero, in the early 1890s the claimant's secretary Melgar repeatedly demanded from Venice that Cerralbo brings his protégé into discipline, the calls which produced little effect. De Mella kept contributing broadly aimed and high quality pieces, but the daily was left mostly to Herrero and the administrative manager, Puiggrós. This was to continue until the late 1890s, also de Mella himself increasingly disappointed with editorial work. De Mella owed his position not only to his pen, but also to co-operation with Cerralbo. In the early 1890s the marquis launched an innovative scheme of touring the country and mobilizing support by means of public gatherings and close meetings; de Mella used to accompany him, acknowledging the journeys and Cerralbo's addresses in booklets. At times he took the floor himself, due to oratorical skills gaining more and more attention. During the 1891 elections to the Cortes he was placed on the Carlist list in Valls; a typical cuckoo candidate, he lost. He renewed his bid from the Navarrese Estella, another constituency he had no personal relation with. Following enormously conflictive campaign against the governmental candidate this time de Mella won, commencing a string of Carlist Estella victories which was to last almost continuously until the end of Restoration. A member of tiny Carlist minority, in the Cortes de Mella exercised little influence over the legislative work. However, he soon gained attention as an individual, taking on most respected politicians and his exhilarating addresses exercising hypnotic effect. Increasingly respected especially among the Conservatives, in the mid-1890s he was offered Ministry of Education, the post he declined. Re-elected from Estella in 1896 and 1898, he was already a Carlist and parliamentary star; also addresses at public meetings were received frenetically. The claimant was delighted; in 1897 de Mella was invited to visit him in Venice, when he heavily contributed to the programmatic document known as Acta de Loredan. • Illustration — La Octubrada Acting on Carlos VII's order de Mella resigned from the parliament in 1898 and did not take part in the 1899 elections. At that time the Carlists were mounting a coup supposed to topple the Restoration regime; de Mella contributed propaganda wise, fathering ambiguous press notes and public addresses. Following another visit to Venice in 1899 he entered a Carlist junta entrusted with wartime preparations. As the claimant developed doubts, in 1900 de Mella seemed to side with those determined to rise even in case no order is given, though there is no evidence that he actually instigated the rising, which boiled down to a series of minor October 1900 revolts known as La Octubrada. In the aftermath his Madrid house was raided by the police, which seemed minor inconvenience compared to wrath of the claimant. Suspecting the entire party leadership of treason, he ordered de Mella out of Correo.

Fall from grace and road back to power (1900–1912)

• Illustration — Carlos VII De Mella decided to comply with the order of his king. It is not clear whether there were any official administrative measures intended against him; possibly fearing further governmental reprisals, in the very late 1900 via France he left for Portugal and settled in Lisbon. He spent there some 3 years on intermittent basis, at times visiting Spain and contributing to various Spanish periodicals. Not reconciled with the claimant, in 1901 he was even suspected of plotting with Cerralbo and Solferino; the scheme comprised forced abdication of Carlos VII in favor of his son, Don Jaime. In 1903 he obtained the royal pardon and was allowed to renew his Cortes bid. Following death of a Carlist Aoiz deputy Miguel Irigaray, de Mella took his seat in 1904. In the 1905 campaign he stood and won in Pamplona, the constituency he would represent continuously for 13 years to come, though sporadically he also stood in his native Asturias. De Mella's position within Carlism was still precarious. As a nationally recognized figure – in 1906 he received invitation to the Academy - he was an asset the party could not have afforded to ignore, though the claimant remained suspicious and the new party leader, Matías Barrio y Mier, was determined to impose total loyalty. De Mella developed particular dislike towards him, in private sparing his jefe little insult. Apart from personal enmity, the two clashed in terms of political strategy, as de Mella first demonstrated what would later become a trademark of Mellismo: a penchant for maximalist extreme-Right coalitions. Following death of Barrio in early 1909 de Mella campaigned to have Cerralbo restored as leader and was furious to see Bartolomé Feliú appointed instead; some considered also himself a possible candidate. • Illustration — Carlist standard Following 1909 death of Carlos VII his son as the new Carlist king found himself pressed to dismiss Feliú; he opted for a compromise, confirming the nomination but appointing de Mella his own personal secretary. He was called to Frohsdorf to prepare something like a new Acta de Loredan, but relations did not go smoothly, the two developing suspicions versus each other. After a joint trip to Rome in May 1910 de Mella was replaced with Artero Samaniego, disillusioned - rather mutually - with his new monarch. During the next 2 years the group, already dubbed Mellistas, sabotaged Jefe Delegado, in 1910 openly promoting non-dynastic ultra-conservative coalitions against Feliú-approved accords strictly conditioned by dynastic claims. Constantly dubbing Feliú as incompetent leader, in 1912 Mella decided to launch a full-scale onslaught; he accused jefe delegado of illegitimately holding the jefatura and demanded his deposition, in private threatening the claimant with rejecting his rule as deprived of "legitimacy of execution". Don Jaime gave in and by the end of 1912 he re-appointed de Cerralbo as president of Junta Superior.

In control (1912–1918)

• Illustration — Among Carlist executives, 1913 Some scholars claim that with de Cerralbo aging, tired of conflict and increasingly disoriented politically, it was rather de Mella who assumed command of the party from the back seat. The Carlist parliamentarian contingent was dominated by his personality; in the 30-member party top body, Junta Superior, around one third were leaning towards Mellismo. As de Cerralbo re-organized the national executive in 10 sections, Mella monopolized the ones of propaganda and press while his followers dominated in electoral and admin ones. Only El Correo Español remained a battlefield with supporters of Don Jaime, but it was increasingly taken over by the Mellistas. De Mella was already planning general overhaul of the party, waiting only for the old-style leaders to die out. At that stage he probably hoped that Don Jaime could be pushed to a decorative role, reduced to "un rey a su imagen y semejanza". Outbreak of the Great War played into de Mella's hands: Don Jaime was left hardly contactable in his house arrest in Austria. The Mellistas took almost full control of the election strategy; the Carlist Cortes campaigns of 1914, 1916 and 1918 were visibly marked by de Mella's vision. It aimed at a non-dynastical alliance of ultra-Right, leading to emergence of a maximalist ultra-Right party, perhaps a new incarnation of Traditionalism, which in turn would do away with liberal democracy and ensure passage to Traditionalist, corporative system. The strategy produced co-operation with a branch of the Conservatives named Mauristas, with another branch named Ciervistas, with the Integrists and with other small groups, but it also demonstrated its limitations. The alliances hardly outlived electoral campaigns and did not improve Carlist standing in the parliament; in regions with strong local identity party militants grumbled that fuerismo might suffer in a hypothetical ultra-Right alliance. • Illustration — British lion defeated Following outbreak of the Great War earlier demonstrated pro-German de Mella's sympathies, very much shared by the party rank and file, turned into a full-blown campaign. Combined with his personal gallophobia and traditional Carlist anti-British sentiment, it produced numerous booklets and lectures; technically they supported Spanish neutrality, but effectively they favored the Central Powers. The claimant remained ambiguous and it was rather some Carlists from his entourage, especially Melgar, who openly opposed de Mella with their pro-Entente campaign. Today there are different opinions as to the role of World War One alliances in general de Mella's vision. According to some the question was central and Mellismo is simply a pro-German stance. Most suggest that it stemmed from ideological premises, quote passages praising anti-Liberal German regime and lambasting Masonic, democratic, parliamentarian British and French systems. Some relate germanophilia to the Mellista version of regeneracionismo in international politics. There are comments suggesting that victory of the Central Powers was expected to facilitate takeover of Spanish political scene by extreme Right, while few students suggest that the war issue was of no relevance at all.

Breakup (1919)

• Illustration — de Mella speaking, 1910s In 1918 de Mella was losing ground: electoral alliances failed to produce major gains, course of the Great War made pro-German attitude pointless and undermined position of its advocates, some regional jefaturas kept voicing dissent and de Cerralbo, increasingly tired of his own double-loyalty, finally managed to have his resignation accepted, temporarily replaced by another Mellista, Cesáreo Sanz Escartín. Moreover, during the 1918 elections supposed to run as usual from Pamplona, for reasons which are not entirely clear de Mella withdrew. In early 1919 the claimant was released from his house arrest in Austria, arrived in Paris and after 2 years of almost total silence came out with 2 manifestos In somewhat unclear circumstances published in early February in Correo Español, they explicitly denounced disobedience of unnamed Carlist leaders failing to sustain neutral policy and indicated that command structures of the party would be re-organized. De Mella and his supporters concluded that the strategy employed previously in struggle for domination in the party – cornering the claimant in private to elicit his conformity – would no longer work and that an ultimate all-out confrontation was imminent. He mounted a media counter-offensive, going public with charges disseminated confidentially in 1912 and presenting Don Jaime as a ruler who lost his legitimacy: for years he remained passive and inactive, pursued hypocritical policy of declaring neutrality but in fact supporting Entente, departed from Catholic orthodoxy, ignored traditional Carlist collegial bodies embarking on Cesarist policy, toyed with the party and - clear reference to his lack of offspring - behaved irresponsibly; all in all, his latest moves were nothing but a "Jaimada", a coup within and against Traditionalism. None of the conflicting parties referred to the question of political strategy as to the point of contention. • Illustration — Jaime III Though initially it might have appeared that the strengths of both sides were comparable, Don Jaime soon tilted the balance in his favor. His men reclaimed control over El Correo Español and he replaced San Escartín with former germanophile politicians who seemed pro-Mellistas but turned loyal to the royal house, first Pascual Comín and then Luis Hernando de Larramendi. When Alfonsist and Liberal press cheered anticipated demise of conflict-ridden Carlism, many party members earlier demonstrating unease about Don Jaime started to have second thoughts. Vázquez de Mella, conscious of his strong position among MPs and local jefes, responded with a call to stage a grand assembly, hoping that the party heavyweights would help him regain control. Some scholars claim that at that point he already acknowledged that the struggle to control Jaimist structures was pointless; they interpret his appeal as decision to walk out and build a new party. The showdown lasted no longer than two weeks. By the end of February 1919 de Mella openly opted for an own organization, setting Centro de Acción Tradicionalista as his temporary headquarters in Madrid.

Political failure and retirement (after 1919)

• Illustration — Victor Pradera speaking Though de Mella lost the battle to control Carlism, on rebellious path he was followed by most of its local leaders, MPs and otherwise distinguished figures; it was only among the rank and file that Mellistas gained little support, the group resembling an army of generals with rather few soldiers. Before the 1919 elections de Mella set up Centro Católico Tradicionalista, intended as a stepping stone towards an ultra-Right alliance; the campaign produced mere 4 mandates and de Mella himself failed to gain a ticket. Offered a ministerial post in a new government of national unity he declined, claiming he could never align himself with the 1876 constitution and its system. The 1920 elections proved even worse, with Mellistas gaining only 2 tickets; de Mella, who lost again, soon launched his bid for seat in Tribunal Supremo, but failed to mount sufficient support among conservative parties and suffered prestigious defeat. By 1921 it was clear that de Mella was struggling organizing his own party. His dislike for systematic effort and commitment - demonstrated already during academic years, Correo management, inability to produce a major written opus, never completed Academia entry address and solitary lifestyle - again took its toll. He was withdrawing into periods of inactivity and already pondered upon his role of a pundit, providing guidance from the back seat. In the meantime, more and more of his followers were defecting to other Right-wing formations. When a grand Mellist assembly materialized in October 1922 in Zaragoza, it was controlled by supporters of Víctor Pradera, who instead of an ultra-Right maximalist coalition advocated a broad conservative alliance based on the lowest common denominator. Anticipating defeat de Mella did not attend; instead he sent a letter. Once again reasserting his anti-system views he confirmed Traditionalist monarchy as an ultimate goal and declared himself committed to work towards it as theorist and ideologue, though not as a politician any more. • Illustration — de Mella, mid-1920s De Mella did not take part in works of the newly established Partido Católico Tradicionalista, the more so as in 1923 the Primo de Rivera coup brought national political life to a standstill by banning all political parties. Initially he might have been inclined to support the dictatorship, as the press informed about his work to set up a new political formation and in 1924 he was received by Primo himself. Whatever his views were, in early 1925 he already had few doubts about the dictature; he considered it a pocket version of a grand political shakeup needed by the country and in January 1925 ridiculed it as "golpe de escoba", though he also allegedly confirmed that directorio implemented some Traditionalist ideas. His last public appearance fell on early 1924; a diabetic, he suffered further health problems and in the summer of 1924 had his leg amputated. He remained a public figure and until early 1925 the press systematically reported about his health conditions. He died shortly after having completed a philosophical study on Eucharist, his death widely discussed by Spanish periodicals.

Thought

• Illustration — Juan Donoso Cortes De Mella's writings are typically categorized as political theory. He is considered indebted mostly to Balmes and Dónoso, though also to Aparisi and other Neo-Catholics, Aquinas, Suárez and Leo XIII. Some students maintain that de Mella was greatly influenced by Gil Robles. He was not familiar with works of the most notable foreign Traditionalist thinkers. In terms of doctrinal profile de Mella is almost unanimously considered a Traditionalist; moreover, his vision is often presented as one of the most classical incarnations – if not the most classical incarnation indeed – of the doctrine. As such, it features a loosely organized and rather withdrawn state, envisioned as a lightweight superstructure placed over different types of largely autonomous and overlapping functional, geographical or professional communities. Political sovereignty lies with a monarch equipped with strong but highly limited powers; such entity is united by common orthodoxy, defined by Catholic faith and Spanish tradition. Exact nature of these components were elaborated down to minuscule details. • Illustration — de Mella preparing Acta de Loredan Key elements of de Mella's thought are defined as society, religion, family, regionalism, tradition and monarchy. The very core of de Mella's concept, however, considered also his most original contribution to Traditionalist thought, was his idea of a society. Though many thinkers before him dedicated considerable attention to the problem and underlined that it was not a contractual body but a result of natural development, most scholars agree that it was de Mella who introduced the theory of social sovereignty. Different from political sovereignty exercised exclusively by the monarch, it attributes to communities the right to govern themselves with no interference on part of external agents, be it the king or other communities; social sovereignty is embodied in the Cortes. Other scholars maintain that the concept was coined by others, but de Mella elevated it to the form he named sociedalismo, which stands for superiority of such a society over state. The concepts of de Mella and Gil led to major transformation of Traditionalism; in the previous phase centred on monarchy, in the subsequent one, to last until the late 20th century, it was centred on society. There are scholars who emphasize Mellista regionalism, with state to be organized on a federative basis and regions being one type of intermediary bodies and local emanations of a nation. Others, however, tend to reverse the order and focus on nation. All agree that nation is principally about tradition and that neither a nation nor a state possessed own sovereignty. Other core concepts emphasized are family - the key element of social fabric, Catholic unity – the basic building block of Spanish nation, tradition – a general concept, labor, and monarchy, defined as traditional, hereditary, federative and representative. Though Carlist most of his life, de Mella did not emphasize the legitimist ingredient; he did espouse the doctrine of double legitimacy, but as individual who embraced Carlism out of intellectual speculation and not by heritage or intuition, he had little problem totally abandoning the legitimist thread later on.

Places

Named by the record

Places

Only places the record itself states, plotted where the house gazetteer settles their coordinates. Nothing is inferred from a name or a nationality.

Cangues d'Onís.
Birth place
Paseo del Prado.
Death place

Orator and writer

• Illustration — de Mella speaking, 1912 Most of his contemporaries were impressed not with de Mella's writings, his thought or leadership style, but rather with his oratorical skills. This applies to both young men and experienced statesmen; it is often quoted that when listening to a then unknown de Mella in the Cortes, Antonio Cánovas mumbled in amazement: "¿Quién es ese monstruo?" De Mella exercised hypnotic effect on huge public gatherings and limited audiences alike; it is not infrequent to find reports of listeners brought by his addresses to the borders of frenzy and hysteria. This was so despite the fact that de Mella was not gifted with impressive posture: mid-height, tending to overweight and lacking a mesmerizing voice, he used to transform when taking the floor. It is recorded that each his address was a great show: body language of eye movement, head movement, gestures and steps combined with master command of verbal communication bestowed upon him "a majesty of a lion". Some scholars consider de Mella one of the greatest speakers of Spanish parliamentarism. However, his harangues were not shows only; many of de Mella's addresses were printed as booklets. It is not clear whether in general he was improvising or rather coming with at least a sketch of the text pre-prepared; as a huge number of his addresses were reconstructed on basis of his private papers, it seems that the latter was the case. Most of the addresses published are in range of some 500–800 words, which would make less than 10 minute speech. Some are up to 1,600 words, requiring attention of a listener for slightly less than half an hour. There are scholars who make veiled references to Hitler and Mussolini, claiming that de Mella represented a new type of charismatic public speaker compared to old-style 19th century leaders. • Illustration — Filosofía de la Eucaristía During his lifetime de Mella published mostly short pieces in various periodicals; apart from contributions signed with pen-names, especially in the 1880s, they were mostly editorials and essays to El Correo Español and El Pensamiento Español, though not only. Another category are booklets containing his addresses; probably no more than ten of them went to print. By the very end of his life the harangues delivered in the parliament were published in 2 volumes, titled Discursos Parlamentarios. Finally, shortly before death de Mella managed to complete and publish Filosofía de la Eucaristía, the only major book published in his lifetime and partially also a compilation of earlier writings. A huge number of pieces – press contributions, booklets, addresses and private papers – were published posthumously in the 31-volume Obras Completas series of the 1930s. Taken together they amount to massive opus; however, it is made of small – or at best mid-size writings, many of them circumstantial. As there is no in-depth, extensive and systematic treaty among them, a number of editors attempted sort of a synthesis by selecting pieces they deemed most representative and by combining them in topic-oriented sections; this is how de Mella's thought is usually absorbed.

Reception and legacy

• Illustration — Carlist tribute before the tomb of Juan Vázquez de Mella, 2019 Since the early 1900s de Mella enjoyed a popular standing nationwide among Conservatives, he grew into an iconic figure among the Spanish Traditionalists, disregarded by the foreign ones. Among Republicans and Liberals he was ridiculed as an apostle of outdated, medieval ideas. When a retiree he featured in the press as a point of reference, many reviews publishing huge all-page photos following the news of his death. Former Mellistas ensured that soon afterwards a commemorating plaque was mounted in Madrid. In the early 1930s most faithful disciples edited a monumental series of de Mella's works. For the progressists he was already a ludicrously prehistoric voice from "ultratumba". In 1946 a Madrid plaza was renamed to Plaza Vázquez de Mella, hosting also his modest monument. An informal Carlist Academia Vázquez de Mella existed in the 1940s, but de Mella enjoyed a revival in the mid-1950s; a new generation of Traditionalist thinkers, mostly Elías de Tejada and Gambra, made his thought a point of departure for their own works and elevated him to the status of an all-time Traditionalist great. In the 1960s the memory of de Mella became an object of competition between two increasingly hostile groupings within Carlism, the Traditionalists and the Progressists. The latter, posing as renovators of Carlism, tried to turn it into a Left-wing party and re-defined de Mella as a pre-socialist writer. Major scholarly and non-partisan works on de Mella started to appear in the 1980s; apart from minor studies, there were 5 published in Spain, the latest one completed in 2016. Currently among scientists of Spanish political thought Vázquez de Mella is usually considered one of the most eminent theorists of Traditionalism of all time; some tend to give him precedence over most others, while some tend to view him as a follower. His Carlist credentials are admitted somewhat hesitantly. Internationally he did not gain recognition; most encyclopedic entries on Traditionalism fail to mention his name, though in specialist studies ranging from America to Eastern Europe he features prominently. In historiography perhaps the most controversial question is de Mella's impact on Francoism. Also, some scholars note that de Mella fuelled anti-semitism and count him among "theorists of extermination". • Illustration — Former Plaza Vázquez de Mella, his monument visible right-back In Spanish popular discourse de Mella is moderately present, usually referred to as a political theorist, at times denounced as co-responsible for reactionary, anti-democratic, shameful past. In 1994 there were calls to restore the plaque in his honor, mounted in 1928 and since then destroyed with the Paseo del Prado 14 house he lived in. In 2016 Plaza Vázquez de Mella was renamed to honor homosexual rights activist and PSOE councillor Pedro Zerolo; in the accompanying debate the insults of "Fascists", "Francoists" and "homophobes" were used to describe de Mella and his supporters. Initiators of the motion claimed they collected 84,000 electronic signatures in support. A number of cities in Spain still maintain street names honoring de Mella.

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1.Christian names referred after Miguel Fernández (Peñaflor), Apuntes para una biografía, [in:] Obras completas del excmo. sr. D. Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul, vol. 1, Madrid 1931, p. XXXI. Note that in contemporary press he might have appeared as Juan Mella, Juan V. de Mella, Juan Vázquez, Juan Vázquez Fanjul, Juan Vázquez y Fanjul, Juan Vázquez Mella, Juan Vázquez de Mella and Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul
2.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXI, for details see El cardenal Juan Alfonso de Mella. Notas biograficas acerca de el y de sus nepotes, pp. 500–528, [in:] Vicente Beltrán de Heredia, Cartulario de la universidad de Salamanca (1218–1600), vol. 1, Salamanca 2001, , pp. 501–529
3.according to a newspaper obituary one of his ancestors fought Francis Drake in the 16th century and the other three fought at Trafalgar; the news should be taken with caution, as the same obituary contains clearly false information about his father, El Imparcial 28.02.28, available here
4.see José Raimundo Núñez-Varela y Lendoiro, El gallego don Antonio Varela Bermúdez de Castro, decimocuarto regente de las Real Audiencia de Canarias, [in:] XXXVI Congreso Nacional de Cronistas Oficiales, Las Palmas 2010, pp. 294–295
5.he married Antonia Varela, a native of Golon, Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXI
6.Estado Militar de España é Indias 1859, p. 120, available here
7.Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Oviedo 31.01.77, available here; a contemporary scholar claims that he died when Juan Vázquez de Mella was 10 years old, which would set his death year at 1871, Fernanda Llergo Bay, Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul: la renovación del tradicionalismo español [PhD Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2016, p. 101
8.Juan Vázquez de Mella, [in:] filosofía.net service, available here
9.Juan Vázquez de Mella, [in:] filosofía.net service
10.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXII-XXXIII
11.El Correo Nacional 05.10.40, available here
12.El Católico 03.11.45, available here
13.Diario Constitucional 25.06.46, available here
14.Guia de Forasteros en Madrid 1848, p. 270, available here
15.in 1848 he was nominated Presidente of Comisión especial de evaluación y reparto de la contribucion de inmuebles de la provincia de Sevilla, Eco del comercio 05.02.48, available here
16.La España 25.02.56, available here
17.La España 25.02.56
18.El Imparcial 28.02.28
19.in 1864 in Cangas he took part in "banquete progresista", La Iberia 08.09.64, available here, and grew to local president of the Progressists, La Iberia 17.12.65, available here
20.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 100
21.Peñaflor 1931, pp. XXXII–XXXIII
22.La Unión Católica 25.04.93, available here
23.Juan Vázquez de Mella, [in:] filosofía.net service
24.El Siglo Futuro 27.02.28, available here
25.Antonio Fanjul of Tiñana in Concejo de Pola, married to Teresa Blanco of Cangas
26.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXII
27.Peñaflor 1931, pp. XXXII–XXXIII
28.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXIV
29.in pious Catholic ambience, raised by "madre piadosa", Llergo Bay 2016, p. 128
30.de Mella is at times referred to as "asturiano", compare Teófilo Rodríguez Neira, Fernando Vela y Asturias: evocación de situaciones y perspectivas, Oviedo 1985, , p. 58, Manuel Martínez López, Alicante, la historia a través de sus calles, Alicante 2008, , p. 97. Somewhat less frequently he is referred to as "gallego", compare José Andrés-Gallego, Historia General de España y América: Revolución y Restauración: (1868–1931), vol. XVI-2, Madrid 1981, , p. 471. There are scholars who prefer the denomination of "astur-galaico", compare Pío Luis Moa Rodríguez, El derrumbe de la segunda república y la guerra civil, Madrid 2011, , p. 204. For a study highlighting his links with Asturias see Martín Andreu Valdés-Solís, Don Juan Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul, recuerdo en el centenario de su nacimiento, [in:] Boletín del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos 15/42 (1961), pp. 172–178, for a study highlighting his links with Galicia see Antonio Taboada Roca, D. Juan Vázquez de Mella y Galicia, [in:] Cuadernos de estudios gallegos 18/55 (1963), pp. 235–243. According to the most explicit statement available he admitted a Galician rather than an Asturian identity, as "donde verdaderamente se formó fue en Galicia", José Francisco Acedo Castilla, En el LXX aniversario de Mella, [in:] Razón española 88 (1998), p. 161
31.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 100; the same author claims that he later lived "in extrema pobreza personal", Llergo Bay 2016, p. 128. Spartan de Mella's lifestyle elicited words of admiration and respect from Maura: "usted, que podía vivir como el mejor, regaladamente, ha preferido ser consecuente con sus ideas", quoted after Llergo Bay 2016, p. 129
32.Unión Patriótica 01.03.28, available here; he spent the last years of his life "en pobreza franciscana, recluido en su hogar a causa de su desgracia física", Acedo Castilla 1998, p. 176. Another periodical mentioned modesty but did not note poverty, La Nación 21.04.27, available here
33.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXIV-XXXV
34.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXV; according to an anecdote this has even generated problems, see La Época 27.02.28, available here. The account should be treated with caution, as Vázquez de Mella's father had most likely died before his son joined the college, compare Llergo Bay 2016, p. 102
35.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXV. Some sources he frequented also Instituto de Oviedo, El año político 1928, p. 72, available here, El Siglo Futuro 27.02.28, available here
36.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 102
37.Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 102–103
38.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXVIII, Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista: historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, , p. 27
39.La Hormiga de Oro 01.03.28, available here
40.de Mella claimed he had never practiced as a lawyer, La Nación 21.04.27, available here
41.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 130
42.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXVI
43.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 130
44.Javier Balezterna Abarrategui, El Jaimismo de los Baleztena, [in:] Premín de Iruña blog, entry of 17.10.11, available here
45.some sources claim de Mella was orphaned by his father at the age of 10, some that at the age of 13
46.brother of his father, Ramón, was comandante segundo of the Royalist Volunteers de Villa de Arzúa, another unnamed brother sided with Carlos V during the First Carlist War, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 100, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 27
47.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 101, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 27
48.another scholar mentioned as possibly affecting juvenile de Mella is Gumersindo Laverde Ruiz
49.Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 102–03
50.Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXIX, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 103
51.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 27
52.some add also another periodical, Diario de Galicia, but provide no sources, Jacek Bartyzel, Synteza doktrynalna: Vázquez de Mella, [in:] Jacek Bartyzel, Umierać ale powoli, Kraków 2002, , p. 276
53.there is not a single issue preserved until today, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 104
54.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 101. According to one source, de Mella assumed jefatura of Pensamiento "few days" after Mariano Jamardo resigned the post in January 1887, José Ramón Barreiro Fernández, El carlismo gallego, Santiago de Compostela 1976, , p.287
55.for few Pensamiento issues preserved until today see Galiciana service, available here
56.Agustín Fernández Escudero, El Marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía política [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 2012, pp. 129–130, Peñaflor 1931, pp. XXXIX–XL
57.Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 123, 128, Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876–1939, Madrid 2006, , pp. 166–67
58.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 108, Canal 1998, pp. 134–35
59.Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 129–130, Peñaflor 1931, p. XXXIX-XL
60.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 129
61.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 130
62.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 104
63.pen-names listed are "M", "Eneas" and "Tulio", Peñaflor 1931, p. XL. Other authors claim that "Tulio" was a pen-name of Leandro Herrero, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 132, and that "Eneas" was a pen-name of Benigno Bolaños, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 28
64.Peñaflor 1931, p. XLI
65.according to one author already in 1887, Barreiro Fernández 1976, p. 287, most authors point rather to 1889, 1890 or 1891
66.El Correo Español accounted for 1,900 subscribers, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 134. In comparison, a leading daily of that time, El Imparcial, had a circulation of 130,000, Baldemar Hernández Márquez, Prensa y transición democrática, Villahermosa 2006, , p. 66
67.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 28
68.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 104
69.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 130-131
70.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 27
71.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 28–9
72.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 28–30
73.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 29
74.as late as in 1894 de Mella still used to travel with Cerralbo, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 223
75.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 203
76.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 206
77.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 216
78.there was no Carlist running in either Galicia or Asturias, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 236–37
79.Peñaflor 1931, p. XLII. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31
80.some authors wrongly claim that he ran from Aoiz, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 116
81.María del Mar Larraza Micheltorena, Las elecciones legislatives de 1893: el comienzo del fin del control de los comicios por los gobiernos liberales, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 218
82.for his 1893 ticket see the official Cortes service, available here
83.in 1893 there were 7 Carlists elected, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 250–51
84.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español vol. 28/1, Sevilla 1959, pp. 171–72, La Época 27.02.28, available here
85.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31
86.see the official Cortes service, available here
87.see the official Cortes service, available here. For discussion of the electoral campaign, see José María Remírez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 359–99
88.mid-1890s de Mella's portraits (and those of other Carlist leaders and deputies) were already distributed as leaflets in what was one of the first modern propaganda campaigns in Spain, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 260
89.what might serve as a somewhat awkward yardstick gauging his role in the Cortes were governmental legal motions launched against him; in 1897 there were 12 pending, compared to 2 against such Carlist MPs as Joaquín Llorens and Polo each or just 1 against de Cerralbo, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 329
90.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 293
91.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 271
92.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 325-7. Having spent 2 weeks in Venice, de Mella embarked on a trip to Florence and Rome, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 326
93.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 350
94.Ganuza López 1988, pp. 359–99
95.falling short of open calls for rebellion, they hailed general Weyler in what seemed like a praetorian-flavored homages, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 337–38. At that time de Mella was allegedly entertaining himself with a vision of Carlis troops entering Madrid, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 33
96.in November, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 369; some say the nomination occurred in 1900, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 35
97.Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 346–47
98.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 35, Ferrer 1959, p. 261
99.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 364
100.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 389
101.Carlos VII was furious; he disauthorised also Cerralbo and others, talking about "traitors", Andrés Martín 2000, p. 36, Ferrer 1959, pp. 265–66
102.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 37, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 398-9. Some scholars speculate – though there is no evidence provided - that de Mella might have adhered to an 1896 plan of cardenal Cascajares, aiming at a dynastic fusion and featuring the son of Carlos VII, don Jaime; in case it was the case indeed and information leaked out to Carlos VII, this might have been the cause of his apparent overeaction in November 1900, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 31–32, 36, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 313
103.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 395
104.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 399
105.exact dates are not clear, compare Luis Aguirre Prado, Vázquez de Mella, Madrid 1953, Peñaflor 1931, p. XLIV
106.at that time he also suffered from apendicitis, Peñaflor 1931, p. LII
107.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 37, Ferrer 1959, pp. 266–67
108.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 400
109.Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 416-7
110.see the official Cortes service, available here
111.see the official Cortes service, available here For detailed discussion of some electoral campaigns in Navarre see Sebastián Cerro Guerrero, Los resultados de las elecciones de diputados a Cortes de 1910 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 93–106, María Cruz Mina Apat, Elecciones y partidos en Navarra (1891–1923), [in:] José Luis Garcia Delgado (ed.), La España de la Restauración, Madrid 1985, , Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957
112.in 1916, in parallel to his Navarrese effort, José Girón, Notas sobre la prensa política en Asturias durante la restauración: de carlistas a reformistas, [in:] J. L. Pérez de Castro, Homenaje a Juan Uría Ríu, Oviedo 1999, , p. 554
113.despite the 1906 invitation he could have not completed his entry address to Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas and has never been formally accepted among its members, Peñaflor 1931, p. LII
114.de Mella developed profound hatred of Barrio, dubbing him "camello", Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 373
115.in particular with authoritatian sectors of the Alfonsine Right, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 40; he was also sympathetic towards Catholic union advanced by the Church and towards Solidaridad Catalana, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 38–40
116.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 421
117.together with Tirso Olazábal or Cerralbo, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 421–22
118.de Mella has never fully reconciled with Carlos VII, though the latter approved of cautious re-admitting of him, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 418–19
119.don Jaime has already been suspected of Liberal penchant and of being somewhat light on his Catholic practices; de Mella described him as educated in "una Academia [the Austrian Military Academy] de ateos y escépticos y corrompidos", Andrés Martín 2000, p. 48
120.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 425, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, , p. 264
121.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 425
122.don Jaime suspected de Mella of being pro-maurist and de Mella suspected don Jaime of being pro-liberal - Andrés Martín 2000, p. 48. Despite this, don Jaime followed de Mella's advice as to personal appointments in El Correo Español, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 47
123.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 425
124.according to de Mella, "mientras no desaparezcan de la escena política Feliú, Olazábal [Tirso], Forner y Polo nada podía hacerse de provecho", Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 50–52, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 42
125.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 439
126.de Mella referred to Feliú as "imbécil", Andrés Martín 2005, p. 121; the two clashed continuously competing to control El Correo Español, when de Mella and Sánchez Márquez, the latter acting on behalf of Feliú, claimed its ownership; the dispute spilled over and reached official administration, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 62–6, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 441–43. For detailed discussion see Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El caso Feliú y el dominio de Mella en el partido carlista en el período 1909-1912, [in:] Espacio, tiempo y forma 10 (1997), pp. 99–116
127.mostly with Maura and his faction of the Conservatives, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 58–9. The strategy produced first expulsions in 1910. The Vascongadas regional jefe, Tirso de Olazábal (9 years later himself leaving his king and joining de Mella), expulsed a chief de Mella's follower Pradera for mounting an electoral alliance with a Maurista candidate on his own; Don Jaime approved of the decision, which helped to "mantener enérgicamente disciplina", Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, Precedentes del proyecto ultraderechista mellista en el periodo 1900-1912, [in:] Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 202/1 (2005), pp. 124–25; Pradera was re-admitted 3 years later, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 56
128.detailed discussion in Andrés Martín 1997
129.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 67, Andrés Martín 1997, p. 104, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 439
130.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 68. According to the Carlist theoretical toolset, the king must be legitimate in terms of origin, i.e. he must be heir to legitimate king, and must hold also "legitimidad de ejercicio", i.e. he must rule in accordance with Traditionalist principles, compare Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 440–42. Ignoring the opinion of traditional Carlist bodies - in that case Junta Superior, dominated by Cerralbistas and Mellistas - would have been the proof of cesarism, incompatible with legitimidad de ejercicio, Andrés Martín 1997, pp. 104–05. Initially Mella did not consider such an escalation, but he was provoked by his enemy conde de Melgar, who hoped that with Mella exposed as a rebel, Don Jaime would not hesitate to expulse him. The plot backfired, Andrés Martín 1997, pp. 108–09. Another thread was alleged Don Jaime's wavering on orthodox Catholicism and his pro-Liberal sympathies, combined with emerging rumors of civil lawsuit before a Paris court, raised by a woman claiming to have born don Jaime's son, Andrés Martín 1997, pp. 110–13
131.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 72; shortly afterwards he dismissed Feliú, Andrés Martín 1997, p. 114
132.though apart from co-editing Correo and forming (as MP) Junta Superior, he did not held official positions; the jefe of Asturia, native de Mella's region, was Cipriano Rodriguez Monte, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 443
133.nearly half of its members were Mellistas anyway; Iglesias García, Mazarrasa Quintanilla and de Mella (out of 9) in 1910–1914, Simó Marín and de Mella (out of 6) in 1914–1916, García Guijarro, Ampuero del Rio and de Mella (out of 9) in 1916–1918, García Guijarro, González Careaga, Pradera and Batlle y Baró (out of 9) in 1918–1919; the other ones mostly vacillated; only Feliú and Llorens prepared to take a decisive stand
134.Cerralbo, de Mella, Manzarassa, Olazábal, Solferino, Ampuero, Comín and Iglesias, plus regional jefes of Vascongadas, Catalonia and Valencia - respectively Olazábal, Solferino and Simó
135.in comisión de propaganda he was one of 3 members, the 2 others, Iglesias and Simó, also were clear Mellistas. In comisión de prensa he was also one of 3 members, with Joaquín Llorens his opponent and marqués de Torres Cabrera in-between, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 458
136.Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 467–71
137.especially Peñaflor; he rejected an olive branch offered by some of his opponents at El Correo Español and confronted an idea of balanced editorial board, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 74–6
138.he specifically mentioned Olazábal (who followed him in 1919), Feliu and Polo, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 50
139.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 52
140.Martin Blinkhorn, Cisma en el Tradicionalismo (1876–1931), [in:] Historia 16 (1977), p. 77
141.in 1914 provincial jefes were largely left free to conclude any electoral alliances that might produce best possible results, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 73
142.during the 1916 campaign Vázquez de Mella for the first time explicitly referred to a future union of extrema derecha, though applying the term to religious and social, but not political realm, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 117. In 1916 he co-organized Asamblea Magna in Covadonga, intended as a launchpad for local Asturian Maurist-Jaimist alliance, Carolyn P. Boyd, Covadonga y el regionalismo asturiano, [in:] Ayer 64 (2006), p. 166. New terms like "mauro-mellistas" entered into circulation, see El Motín 06.07.16, available here
143.scholars advance differing theories and names related to Carlist alliance strategies of the time. Author of most detailed work repeatedly refers to Mellist strategy as "minimalist" but aiming at "maximalist" objectives, compare Andrés Martín 2000. Author of a synthetic work on Carlism reserves the term "minimismo" to social-Catholic amalgamation activities of Salvador Minguijón as actually opposed to vision of de Mella, Canal 2000, p. 267
144.including Jaimists, Integrists, Nationalists (i.e. representatives of right-wing Catholic peripheral nationalisms) and hardcore Conservatives, Jacek Bartyzel, Synteza doktrynalna: Vázquez de Mella, [in:] Jacek Bartyzel, Umierać ale powoli, Kraków 2002, p. 285; others claim that he favored union of groups whose program overlapped with Traditionalism to an appropriate extent, José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español, [PhD thesis] Madrid 2012, p. 227
145.a strategy dubbed "catastrofismo" - meaning aimed at removal of the Restoration system - by some, Canal 2000, p. 267
146.with dynastical question parked in obscurity. In 1914 de Mella published his program for united Right, with declared objectives having been transition from liberal democracy to corporative, regionalist monarchy, Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, El pensamiento socio-político de la derecha maurista, [in:] Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 190/3 (1993), p. 410
147.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 87–91, Jesús Millán, Popular y de orden: la pervivencia de la contrarrevolución carlista, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), p. 33; some authors refer to "pacto Mella-Maura", Ignacio Olábarri Gortázar, Notas sobre la implantación, la estructura organizativa y el ideario de los partidos de turno en Navarra, 1901-1923, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 5 (1986), p. 323. Indeed, Maura started to make vague anti-system references of altering "ambiente de la vida pública" - though it is unlikely that at any point he shared the Mellist vision of amalgamation within a new Traditionalist party and introduction of some authoritarian corporative system, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 118
148.once elected from joint local lists, Jaimista and Maurista deputies formed separate minorities in the Cortes
149.Jaimist candidates kept winning around 10 mandates, hardly an impressive improvement compared to the 1890s or 1900s
150.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 119, 141-2
151.for impact of the war on Spanish politics compare José Luis Orella, Consecuencias de la Gran Guerra Mundial en al abanico político español, [in:] Aportes 84 (2014), pp. 105–34
152.as early as 1902 de Mella commenced a campaign advocating the German cause. The arguments used were multifold: he pointed to Kaiser as protector of Catholic religion, praised the German political system of strong governments responsible before the emperor rather than before the parliament (in comparison lambasted the British system as born out of liberalism and masonry), quoted geo-politics and complementary Spanish and German interests in Tanger (underlining Anglo-Spanish conflict in Gibraltar and Franco-Spanish one in Morocco), noted glorious Spanish historical record under the Habsburgs and a miserable one under the Borbóns. Some of de Mella's activities assumed a provocative turn, like a lecture delivered in Madrid during a visit of the French president Poincaré, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 41, 60, also Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, La germanofilia de Vázquez de Mella hasta la visita de Poincaré en 1913, [in:] Rosa María Pardo Sanz; Javier Tusell Gómez (eds.), La política exterior de España en el siglo XX, Madrid 1997, , pp. 3–16. Don Jaime remained ambiguous; though he did not conceal his preference for neutral Spanish stand in a European conflict, he also did not rebuff de Mella and in private used to send him congratulation letters, declaring de Mella's theories "fiel interpretación de mi pensamiento", Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 58–62, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 429–38
153.though there was also a noticeable minoritarian, pro-Entente current, represented e.g. by Melchor Ferrer Dalmau. In Madrid there was also a strong group of pro-German Carlists, who at the same time opposed de Mella. One of them, Juan Pérez Nájera, slapped de Mella during an accidental street encounter, which almost turned into a fight, see La Prensa 19.11.17, available here
154.booklets, public lectures and El Correo were turning into a pro-German tribune. Most of these activities were supported financially by the German ambassador in Madrid, Maximilian von Ratibor, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 95–101. General overview in Jens Albes, Worte wie Waffen. Die deutsche Propaganda in Spanien während des Ersten Weltkriegs, Essen 1996, . Vázquez de Mella emerged, along Pio Baroja and Jacinto Benavente, as one of 3 most outspoken advocates of the German cause in Spain, Jesús de la Hera Martínez, La política cultural de Alemania en España en el período de entreguerras, Madrid 2002, , p. 16
155.already in 1891 Cerralbo disapproved of his "hatred of France", Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 131
156.Britain was deemed fundamentally hostile to 3 key aims of Spanish foreign policy: control of the straits, federation with Portugal and Hispanic commonwealth in Latin America, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 111. In foreign policy de Mella has always been longing for "dominación del Estrecho, federación con Portugal, y unión con los Estados Hispanoamericanos", Acedo Castilla 1998, p. 174-175
157.in 1915 de Mella, Claro Abánades and Manuel Abelló published El año germanófilo, dubbed "perfect manual of a germanophile"; in the campaign germanophilia kept competing with anglophobia, e.g. when presenting Germany as the nation persecuted by the greedy English; "England trying to snatch away German commerce and industry, as it has done with ours. Today Germany is a giant nation gallantly flying its colors; it keeps fighting the most formidable duel of the centuries. We do not intend to intervene in the struggle of two peoples, taking place in the centre of the world. Longing for peace, we want to establish sympathy between the Spaniards and the Germans; inspired by reasons put forward by our great man, Juan Vázquez de Mella, we want to set up an alliance with Germany to make sure that in the times to come unredeemed territories come back to the Spanish nation", full text available here
158.the campaign climaxed in address delivered by de Mella in Teatro de la Zarzuela in May 1915, standing out for his oratory mastery. Some authors claim that it was the most evident ever Mellista advocacy of pro-German claims, see Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 109–12, while others note that it was fairly neutral in terms of World War One alliances, though embarked on vehemently anti-British course and pursued almost unveiled designs on Tanger and Gibraltar, see Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 487
159.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 96, Orella Martínez 2014, p. 129
160.especially after 1916, when pro-Entente feelings were gaining strength, the focus of Mellistas shifted to preventing a would-be Spanish joining the Allies, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 127
161.officially he supported neutrality, in private leaning towards Entente. His father Carlos VII did not display a pro-German penchant and was involved in dynastic-claims-related mutual antipathy towards kaiser Franz Joseph, but he tended to share de Mella's views on the English; he publicly dismissed as fabricated a 1905 press interview with his son don Jaime, then serving as a Russian cavalry colonel, who confessed that "mi ideal es una monarquía como la de Inglaterra", Andrés Martín 2000, p. 42. During the Great War don Jaime was sending notes which did disavowe pro-German tones of the Mellistas. Though apparently aware of the party command taken over by the Mellistas, he refrained from decisive declarations and confirmed to de Cerralbo his full powers as political party leader in Spain, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 101–05, 115–17, 131, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 485. The claimant also kept inviting de Mella to join him in Frohsdorf to try "el pan de guerra", Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 486; de Mella has never taken advantage of the invitation
162."la escisión mellista, que dio origen al partido tradicionalista, se había producido a consecuencia de la condena por don Jaime de la germanofilia de los líderes carlistas durante la Gran Guerra. No fueron cuestiones ideológicas las causantes de la ruptura", Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Los frustrados intentos de colaborar entre el Partido Nacionalista Vasco y la derecha navarra durante la II Republica, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 5 (1986), p. 131
163.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 41
164.according to the theory, the long-standing alliance with France by default reduced Spain to secondary role; instead, Spain should be more active and ally with the new rising European power, Germany, e.g. promoting Spanish interests in Morocco, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 58-62. Spanish–German controversies over the Mariana Islands and the Caroline Islands were played down
165.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 132. That attitude was by no means unusual, as Spanish politicians of the Left supported Entente hoping the Anglo-French victory would facilitate their domination of political scene in Spain, compare Manuel Suárez Cortina, La España Liberal (1868–1917). Política y sociedad, Madrid 2002, , p 187: "los partidarios de los aliados eran los regionalistas, los republicanos, los socialistas, los profesionales de clase media y los intelectuales, que vieron en la guerra un instrumento para forzar en España una transición hacia una verdadera democracia"
166."las diferencias entre tradicionalistas [e.g. supporters of de Mella] y carlistas se reducian a cuestiones personales y no ideológicas", Martin Blinkhorn 1977, p. 77; less categorical but similar approach in Orella Martínez 2012, p. 184, "la escisión mellista tiene más de problemas personales que diferencias doctrinales"
167.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 136–44
168.El Día 17.01.18, available here, El Sol 08.02.18, available here; he was also rumored to run in Oviedo, La Época 16.01.18, available here
169.El Siglo Futuro 26.02.18, available here
170.at least one of them written by Melgar, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol.29, Sevilla 1960, pp. 102–05, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 504
171.noting that at the outbreak of the war he ordered his followers to adhere to "absoluta neutralidad", which unfortunately "no fui obedecido [...] una parte de nuestra Prensa, equivocadamente y contra mi voluntad, emprendió una desdichada campaña en favor de uno de los bandos belligerantes. Para arrastrar en este sentir a nuestras nobles y honradas masas [...] se les ha pintado con colores embusteros mis sentimientos, haciéndoles creer, contra toda verdad, mis simpatías prusianas; fingiendo intimidades con el Káiser, a quien jamás he visto y de quien sólo he recibido desatenciones y agravios, falsificando noticias y hasta documentos tan odiosos como ridículos. Contra esta campaña de mentiras y falsedades, de la que ahora me estoy enterando, protesto con todas mis fuerzas. Espero que me rindan cuentas los que tienen el deber de hacerlo, para depurar responsabilidades", quoted after Andrés Martín 2000, p. 9
172.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 146–7, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 501–02
173.initially de Mella and his supporters intended to show up in Paris and present their cause before the claimant; however, they were denied French visas, a measure attributed to manipulations of chief francophile and anti-Mellista, Francisco Melgar, Melchor Ferrer, Breve historia del legitimismo español, Madrid 1958, p. 102, Orella 2012. p. 181, Román Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 1965, p. 494
174.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 149, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 505
175.Andrés Martín presents differences on strategy as fundamental and recurring motive of growing dissent between Mellistas and Jaimistas. Another author lists a number of reasons: weberian clash of different leadership styles with traditional authority pitted against new-style charismatic leadership, autonomist question, issue of wide Rightist alliance and dynastical problem; breakup of Carlism and overall demise of the Restoration system are presented as victims of the same change, replacing 19th-century model with new, 20th-century patterns, Canal 2000, pp. 271–72
176.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 146
177.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 146, Canal 2000, pp. 274–75
178.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 158–59
179.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 156
180.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 163
181.among regional leaders the key to be mentioned were Tirso de Olazábal, José María Juaristi, marqués de Valde-Espina, Luis Lezama Leguizamón, Antonio Mazarrasa, conde de Doña Marina, Teodoro de Mas, Miguel Salellas Ferrer, Mariano Fortuny Portell, Tomás Boada Borrell, duque de Solferino, Manuel Simó Marín, Jaime Chicharro Sánchez-Guió; most of the breakaways came from 2 regions: Vascongadas (especially Gipuzkoa) and Catalonia
182.apart from Vázquez de Mella also Luis García Guijarro, Dalmacio Iglesias García, José Ampuero y del Rio, Cesáreo Sanz Escartín, Ignacio Gonzales de Careaga and Víctor Pradera Larumbe
183.mostly two prolific journalists, Miguel Fernández (Peñaflor) and Claro Abánades López
184.in regions where Carlism was a minor force, like Old Castile or Valencia, the breakup added to confusion and further marginalisation of the movement, but in Vascongadas, Navarre and Catalonia the rural social base of Carlism remained mostly intact, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 160–61
185.the Conservative Party and its offshoots, mostly the Mauristas and the Ciervistas. Other potential alliances reported were those with the Integrists and Unión Monárquica Nacional, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 168, 171–73
186.Juaristi (Vergara), González Careaga (Tolosa), García Guijarro (Valencia) and Chicharro (Nulles), though the last one finally joined the Ciervista minority in the Cortes; the Mellist senators elected were Ampuero (Gipuzkoa) and Mazarrasa (Alava), Andrés Martín 2000, p. 175
187.reported as running in Oviedo and Santander, La Época 25.05.19, available here, La Acción 01.06.19, available here
188.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 164
189.García Guijarro renews his ticket from Valencia and Ricardo Oreja Elósegui was elected from Tolosa; the senators elected were Ampuero (Gipuzkoa) and Lezama Leguizamón (Biscay), Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 211, 214
190.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 212-3
191.one of his obituaries noted also that de Mella "vivió como un poeta", Llergo Bay 2016, p. 103. This by no means suggests he displayed some features typically associated with bohemian lifestyle, like excessive drinking; de Mella has never been seen intoxicated, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 140
192.when responding to a query from Maura, who asked whether de Mella would object to his followers assuming governmental roles, de Mella responded that "no era jefe político" and provided rather "cierta dirección espiritual", Andrés Martín 2000, p. 216
193.different Mellista personalities were becoming inclined to pursue alliance talks on their own, usually purely pragmatic basis: some like Pradera negotiated with the Mauristas, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 199–200; some like Chicharro talked to the Ciervistas, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 200–201; some were approaching the social-Catholic initiative of former Vázquez de Mella sympathizers Aznar and Minguijón, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 202–04; some neared a monarchist Catholic idea advocated by El Debate, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 205–06
194.its presidency was composed of Víctor Pradera (Navarre), Teodoro de Más (Catalonia) and Pascual Santapan (Aragón), Orella 2012, p. 268
195.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 237–39. Members of the presidency acknowledged the letter and politely declared themselves looking forward to reversal of Vázquez de Mella's decision; the assembly ended in favor of setting up a new Catholic party
196.which could have been preparations to launch Union Patriotica, El Imparcial 18.03.24, available here
197.Heraldo de Madrid 14.06.24, available here. Some scholars suggest that de Mella's version of corporatism might have influenced Primo when shaping his dictarorial regime, Krisztián Szigetvári, Primo de Rivera diktatúrájának oktatáspolitikája és a rendszer ideológiájának türköződése a tankönyvekben [PhD thesis University of Pecs], Pecs 2010, p. 175
198.ABC 03.01.25, available here
199.El Imparcial 06.01.25, available here. There are scholars who claim that "the ideas of Menéndez Pelayo, Vázquez de Mella, Donoso Cortés and Jaime Balmes are constantly found in the writings of UP essayists", see Alejandro Quiroga, Making Spaniards. National Catholicism and the nationalisation of the masses during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera [PhD thesis London School of Economics and Political Science], London 2004, p. 96
200.La Voz 22.08.24, available here; de Mella accepted with his fate with Christian resignation, Peñaflor 1931, p. LIV
201.completing the book took the last months of his life, he was reported as working on it in September 1927, La Época 21.09.27, available here
202.due to "afección diabetical", La Libertad 24.02.28, available here, "foco bronconeumonico" or "infeccion bronconeumonica", La Voz 24.02.28, available here. In his last will he donated most of his belongings to educational and religious institutions, La Correspondencia Militar 28.02.28, available here. A plot he possessed in Galicia – unfortunately its size is unknown – was marked for a distant relative, Maria de Mella Betancourt, Francisco Feo Parrondo, Gran y mediana propiedad en Galicia en 1933 según el registro de la propiedad expropiable, [in:] Anales de Geografía de la Universidad Complutense 14 (1995), pp. 127–28, see also ABC 20.02.80, available here
203.some identify also elements of theology, ideology and philosophy, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 135–37, similar comments in Acedo Castilla 1998, p. 161, and ("cover the fields of History, Philosophy and Theology") Juan M. Santos, Andrés Hermosa Gacho, The social doctrine in Vázquez de Mella, [in:] Carlismo.es (2006), available here
204.Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 86–90, 130, Rafael Gambra, Vázquez de Mella. Estudio preliminar, [in:] Rafael Gambra (ed.), Vázquez de Mella. Textos de doctrina política, Madrid 1953, p. 6
205.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 130
206."what makes Vázquez de Mella stand tall and apart from his more or less conservative contemporaries is that he upheld the pure and undiluted principles of Saint Thomas Aquinas in politics, presenting them in a practical synthesis which is the best that Christendom has given in recent times", Santos, Hermosa Gacho 2006
207.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 120
208.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 152. Other mention also Fox Morcillo, Melchor Cano, Domingo Soto and Alfonso de Castro, Acedo Castilla 1998, p. 163
209.Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, [in:] Javier Fernández Sebastián (ed.), Diccionario político y social del siglo XX español, Madrid 2008, , p. 1165; the claim is not supported by other scholars
210.de Mella did not read Burke, Chateaubriand, Bonald or de Maistre, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 125
211.Miguel Martorell Linares, José Sánchez Guerra: un hombre de honor (1859–1935), Madrid 2011, , p. 245
212."no doubt the most outstanding political thinker of 'classic' Carlism", Bartyzel 2015, p. 189
213."uno de los principales representantes del tradicionalismo español", Llergo Bay 2016, p. 9
214."su R.", mentioned in caption, stands for "su Rey", his king. It was a common pattern in Carlist press that to avoid penalty measures, references to "king" (i.e. the Carlist king) were somewhat camouflaged
215.detailed elaborations might differ. One scholar suggests that key concepts were: 1) society, 2) family, 3) regionalism, 4) Catholic unity and 5) monarchy, compare Llergo Bay 2016. Another offer is: 1) corporativism, social sovereignty and its human pillars 2) tradition and Spanish tradition 3) religion 4) monarchy, compare Gambra 1953. Some scholars highlight not a society, but a man, see Osvaldo Lira, Nostalgia de Vázquez de Mella, Santiago de Chile 1971, pp. 19–26. Also Gambra at one point notes that for de Mella, all begins with a man, not an abstract, generic, theoretical being, but always concrete, mounted within a social setting, Gambra 1953, p. 10
216.different view in González Cuevas 2008, p. 1165
217.society is founded on 3 pillars: 1) a legal one – formalised legal acts, 2) a spiritual one – Tradition, and 3) a practical one – social praxis of Traditionalism, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 153. He opposed individualism and liberalism as inevitably leading to exploitation, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 160–63. Society is first and foremost composed of classes understood as functional entities, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 163-165, and not of individuals, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 165-167, Bartyzel 2006, p. 281
218.Gambra 1953, p. 11. De Mella refused to consider social question principally in terms of economic conditions, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 151; he refused also to accept contractualism, Gambra 1953, p. 11
219.sovereignty resides with legitimacy, not with state, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 143, Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, p. 251
220.by means the so-called intermediary bodies, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 158, 250–52
221.monarch represents political sovereignty, Cortes represents the social one, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 229. The latter is composed of representatives of classes, be it professional (trade, agriculture, commerce), intellectual (scientific, academic, artistic) or moral (religious), Bartyzel 2006, p. 283, Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, p. 25.0
222.formulated in 1918 as "sociedalismo jerárquico", Sergio Fernández Riquelme, Del Antíguo Régimen a la Monarquía tradicional. El legado corporativo de Juan Vázquez de Mella, [in:] Arbil 117 (2009), p. 57
223.González Cuevas 2008, p. 1165. This view is rather isolated, as other scholars see either parallel political and social sovereignties or consider the political one superior, compare Llergo Bay 2016, p. 230, Bartyzel 2006, pp. 283–84, Gambra 1953, pp. 12–13
224.understood broadly as a type of political regime; in Carlist version it was additionally flavored with the question of legitimacy
225.in the 1960-1980s Traditionalism turned another corner; the third phase which commenced at that time and lasts until today is marked by cultural approach
226.not to be confused with separatism; de Mella was opposing Catalan political ambitions, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 192, Bartyzel 2015, pp. 197–98; regionalism is put at the forefront also by Acedo Castilla 1998, who discussed it ahead of social sovereignty and monarchy
227.Bartyzel 2015, p. 193, González Cuevas 2008, p. 1166, Gambra 1953, pp. 13–14. The tasks of state were reduced as follows: 1) ensuring moral christian unity 2) foreign relations 3) sorting out conflicts between intermediary bodies 4) law and order 5) defense 6) transport, communication 7) money and finances, Bartyzel 2015, p. 200
228.regions are considered specific emanations of the national identity, and nation is not a synthesis of regions, Bartyzel 2015, pp. 192–94
229.a competitive analytical perspective is offered by Lira, who makes a nation the first and central point of his discourse; it is built in two ways, both commencing from the family: 1) family – municipio – region – nation, Lira 1942, pp. 44–62, and 2) family – functional bodies – nation, Lira 1942, pp. 63–87, also Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, p. 253
230.according to one scholar de Mella saw a nation as composed of 3 elements: Catholic unity + Christian monarchy + social sovereignty, Bartyzel 2006, p. 279; according to another it is composed of Christian unity + monarchy + fueros, González Cuevas 2008, p. 1165
231.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 193, see also de Mella's antipathy towards estatismo, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 195, Gambra 1953, p. 12
232.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 175-6; family is hierarchical based not on equality but on respect and love, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 177-180; there is no other family than based on marriage, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 180–81
233.religion is considered not only a pillar of Spanish tradition and identity but also "constructor" of Spanish nation, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 201, 209. Civil authority should be subordinated to spiritual objectives of the church, Llergo Bay 2016, p. 203, Bartyzel 2006, pp. 280–81. Some claim that de Mella defended "libertad religiosa", Llergo Bay 2016, p. 206, though a more likely conclusion is that when literally advocating religious freedom, he meant freedom of Catholic Church to proselytize with no impediments mounted by the secular authorities, especially the Liberal ones. He claimed that religion should be inseparable from education, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 213–25
234.tradition is all what contributes to heritage and enriches it, Bartyzel 2006, p. 278, Gambra 1953, pp. 27–30, 56–66; de Mella did not oppose tradition and progress, Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, pp. 248; for him, Tradition was "hereditary progress", Acedo Castilla 1998, p. 162
235.labor is very seldom considered one of de Mella's fundamental ideas; for a very interesting, original and fairly thorough analysis see Santos, Hermosa Gacho 2006
236.Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 239–44. Slightly different set of attributes listed is Christian + traditional and hereditary + regional + representative, Bartyzel 2006, p. 281, the same in Gambra 1953, p. 18, and "katholisch, monarchisch, repräsentativ" by Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, p. 256
237.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 237
238.some scholars claim that because de Mella espoused Carlism rationally, not intuitively, he was ready to abandon it when seemed reasonable, immune to dynastic zeal and glorification of violent Carlist past, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 27, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, , p. 44. According to Unamuno, for Mella Carlism was "sport político", means and not ends, and he represented "tradicionalismo de salón" (as opposed to intuitive rural Traditionalism of the masses), possibly a vehicle for own success, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 30. According to Ayuso, de Mella was in-between primordial Carlism and "tradicionalismo excesivamente teórico y desarraigado de los hechos" – Miguel Ayuso, Vázquez de Mella 70 años después, [in:] ABC 27.2.80. Already in the 1890s Melgar suspected de Mella of having been ready to desert the king, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 29–30, see also the sub-chapter Vázquez de Mella: tradicionalista o carlista? in Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 95–6
239.Gambra 1953, pp. 5–6
240.the young Claro Abanades happened to listen to de Mella at a meeting of Juventud Jaimista; the encounter made him a lifetime follower, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 454
241.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31, Ferrer 1959, pp. 171–72. Another anecdote referring to the two is that when Canóvas saw Vázquez de Mella in the Parliament corridors again he shouted at him: "I know, I know, don Juan, that lions cannot be hunted with a sling" Santos, Hermosa Gacho 2006
242.he is reported as once addressing 40,000 people, Boyd D. Cathey, Juan Vázquez de Mella and the Transformation of Spanish Carlism, 1885-1936, [in:] Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, John Radziłowski (eds.), Spanish Carlism and Polish Nationalism: The Borderlands of Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries, edited Charlottesville 2003, , pp. 29–30
243.Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 293
244.dubbed "mago de la palabra", La Nación 21.04.27, available here
245.Peñaflor 1931, p. XLVII
246.Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, p. 247
247.currently mostly non-existent; private archive of de Mella, serving as a basis for publication of his posthumous Obras Completas in the 1930s, was mostly destroyed during the Civil War, with remnants scattered across family members, Llergo Bay 25, 106
248.compare e.g. his discourse La grandeza y la decadencia de Inglaterra, [in:] Juan Vázquez de Mella, Obras completas, vol. 1, Madrid 1931, pp. 265–69
249.compare e.g. La instabilidad de las monarquías modernas. Una ley historica. Relaciones entre la corrupción social y la barbarie que la castiga, [in:] Juan Vázquez de Mella, Obras completas, vol. 1, Madrid 1931, pp 221-230
250.Canal 2000, pp. 271–72
251.the ones identified are: 1) La cuestión religiosa. Discursos pronunciados. Congreso de los Diputados, los días 12 y 13 de noviembre de 1906 (1906), 2) Contra el proyecto de asociaciones. Discursos pronunciados por el diputado Carlista D. Juan Vázquez de Mella en el gran mintin Católico celebrado en la plaza de Las Arenas, de Barcelona el 20 de enero de 1907 (1907), 3) El matrimonio de la Princesa de Asturias con Don Jaime de Borbón. Discurso pronunciado en la sesión del Congreso del día 21 de Diciembre de 1910 (1911), 4) Examen del nuevo derecho a la ignorancia religiosa. Conferencia dada el 17 de mayo de 1913 en la Real Academia de Jurisprudencia (1913), 5) El problema hispano-marroquí. Discursos pronunciado por el Diputado Jaimista en las sesiones del Congreso, los días 28 y 29 de Mayo de 1914. Juicios emetidos por la prensa y un artículo resumiendo el debate (1914), 6) El ideal de España. Los tres dogmas nacionales. Discurso pronunciado en el Teatro de la Zarzuela de Madrid el 15 de Mayo de 1915 (1915)
252.Llergo Bay 2016, p. 108. It appeared on the market in early 1928, few weeks before de Mella's death, El Siglo Futuro 03.02.28, available here
253.the most popular one is Rafael Gambra (ed.), Vázquez de Mella. Textos de doctrina política, Madrid 1953, and its later reprints
254.though first recognized nationwide in the mid-1890s, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31, Ferrer 1959, pp. 171–72
255.though incomparable to that of top Spanish politicians of the era. e.g. in 1911-1915 the popular Madrid daily El Imparcial mentioned de Mella 109 times, while Antonio Maura was mentioned 1183 times; in 1916 another daily ABC mentioned de Mella mella 49 times, while Eduardo Dato was listed 396 times
256.who twice offered him ministerial posts, in mid-1890s - Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31 - and in 1919 - Andrés Martín 2000, p. 164
257.Maurras considered de Mella "un nationaliste espagnol" - actually not necessarily a diminutive opinion if voiced by Maurras - and summarised his theory as "un César avec des Fueros", Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Charles Maurras et l’Espagne, [in:] Olivier Dard, Michel Grunewald (eds.), Charles Maurras et l'étranger - L'étranger et Charles Maurras: L'Action française - culture, politique, société, vol. 2, Paris 2009, , p. 228, the same quotation is bolded in Sergio Fernández Riquelme, Sociología, corporativismo y política social en España [PhD thesis University of Murcia], Murcia 2008, p. 198
258.compare e.g. El Pais 18.01.14, available here
259.El Liberal 11.11.25, available here
260.Revista Católica de Cuestiones Sociales 3/1928, available here, Mundo Gráfico 29.02.28, available here, La Esfera 03.03.28, available here, Ilustración Financiera 07.03.28, available here
261.the initiative of former Mellista, Jaime Chicharro, at that time official of the Madrid ayuntamiento, ABC 25.03.28, available here
262.mostly Claro Abanades and Peñaflor
263.the volumes published were: 1. Selección de Elocuencia e Historia, 2. Ideario. T. I., 3. Ideario. T. II., 4. Ideario. T. III., 5. La persecución religiosa y la Iglesia, independiente del Estado ateo, 6. Discursos parlamentarios. T. I., 7. Discursos parlamentarios. T. II., 8. Discursos parlamentarios. T. III, 9. Discursos parlamentarios. T. IV., 10. Discursos parlamentarios. T. V., 11. Discursos parlamentarios. T. VI, 12. Dogmas nacionales., 13. Política general. T. I., 14. Política general. T. II, 15. Política tradicionalista T. I., 16. Política tradicionalista. T. II., 17. Crítica. T. I., 18. Crítica T. II., 19. Filosofía. Teología. Apologética. T. I., 20. Flosofía. Teología. Apologética. T. II., 21. Filosofía. Teología. Apologética. T. III., 22. Filosofía. Teología. Apologética. T. IV., 23. Temas internacionales., 24. Temas sociales. T. I., 25. Temas sociales. T. II., 26. Regionalismo. T. I., 27. Regionalismo. T. II., 28. El pensamiento de Mella., 29. Juicios sobre Mella., 30. Índice cronológico y temático., 31. Vázquez de Mella y la educación nacional
264.El Liberal 01.06.30, available here
265.originally named Plaza de Bilbao; in 1931-1939 it was named Plaza de Ruiz Zorilla, in 1939-1944 again re-named to Plaza de Bilbao
266.ABC 26.06.46, available here
267.Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi, Así se hizo MAPFRE. Mi tiempo, Madrid 2000, pp. 59, 89–60, Luis Hernando de Larramendi, Los Gambra y los Larramendi: una mistad carlista, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 10 (2004), p. 172
268.both in 1954: La monarquía tradicional by Francisco Elías de Tejada and La monarquía social y representativa en el pensamiento tradicional by Rafael Gambra Ciudad; La filosofia de la Eucaristia was re-printed in 1952
269.Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 245–50
270.and avoiding open challenge, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 455–62
271.in the late 1950s the Francoist authorities allowed creation of Traditionalist cultural network; it materialized as Circulos Culturales Vázquez de Mella and was controlled mostly by the young Progressists
272.a late francoist ones were two works of Manuel Rodríquez Carrajo, published in 1973-1974
273.José B. Arduengo Caso (1983), Rodrigo Del Val Martín (1989), Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín (2000), Francisco Sevilla Benito (2009) and Fernanda Llergo Bay (2016). After the fall of Francoism de Mella's texts were re-published in Spain once, Juan Vázquez de Mella, El verbo de la tradición, Madrid 2001,
274."uno de los principales representantes del tradicionalismo español", Llergo Bay 2016, p. 9, "einer der bedeutendsten Vertreter des spanisches Traditionalismus", Caamaño Martínez, Krauss 1954, p. 247, "Среди основных идеологов карлизма", Станислав Валерьевич Протасенко, Идеология и практика испанского карлизма, [in:] Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета 2 (2008), p. 94
275."no doubt the most outstanding political thinker of 'classic' Carlism", Bartyzel 2015, p. 189, "dentro de la rama carlista del tradicionalismo español el autor más importante fue Juan Vázquez de Mella", Carlos Pulpillo Leiva, Orígenes del franquismo: la construcción de la "Nueva España" (1936–1941) [PhD thesis Universidad Rey Juan Carlos], Madrid 2013, p. 723
276.González Cuevas 2008, p. 1165. In his another work the same author is somewhat more generous, dubbing de Mella "la figura política por excelencia del tradicionalismo carlista", Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, catolicismo y nacionalismo: la extrema derecha durante el régimen de la Restauración (1898–1930), [in:] Ayer 71 (2008), p. 33
277.Andrés Martín 2000, p. 27, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 44, Ayuso 1980, Llergo Bay 2016, pp. 95–96
278.compare e.g. Grand Larousse Encyclopedique vol. 10, Paris 1964, p. 427, Diccionario Enciclopedico Salvat Universal vol. 19, Barcelona 1976, p. 480, Grote Winkler Prins Encyclopedie vol. 22, Amsterdam 1983, p. 185, Enciclopedia Europea vol. 11, Milano 1982, p. 396, Grande Dizionario Europeo vol. 18, Torino 1972, p. 586, Wielka Encyklopedia Powszechna vol. 11, Warszawa 1969, p. 612, Lietuviu Enciklopedija vol. 21, Boston 1964, p. 356, Dictionaire Encyclopedique Quillet vol. 10, Paris 1975, p. 6970, Diccionario Enciclopedico U.T.E.H.A. vol. 10, Mexico City 1953, pp. 245–46, Brockhaus Enzyklopädie vol. 22, Mannheim 1993, p. 294, Meyers Enzyklopädisches Lexikon vol. 23, Mannheim 1978, p. 628, Enciclopedia Illustrada de la lengua castellana vol. 5, Buenos Aires 1976, Eesti Entsüklopeedia vol. 9, Tallinn 1996, p. 498
279.for the USA compare writings on Traditionalism by Frederick Wilhelmsen and Alexandra Wilhelmsen; for Argentina compare Ruben Calderon Bouchet, Tradición, Revolución y restauración em el pensamiento político de Don Juan Vázquez de Mella, Buenos Aires 1966; for Costa Rica and Jorge Volio Jiménez see Adelita B. Aguílar de Alfaro, Jorge Volio y Juan Vázquez Mella, [in:] Revista de filosofía de la Universidad de Costa Rica 5/18 (1966), pp. 207–13; for Chile compare Lira 1942, see also de Mella's impact on Jaime Guzmán, José Díaz Nieva, Influencias de Juan Vázquez de Mella sobre Jaime Guzmán, [in:] Verbo, 467-468 (2008), pp. 661–70; some scholars point to de Mella as an author who influenced theorists of the Chile regime of general Pinochet, see Jacques Le Bourgeois, La propagande du régime militaire chilien de 1973 à 1989, [in:] Les cahiers de psychologie sociale 17 (2011)
280.in Poland, compare Bartyzel 2006, Bartyzel 2015, in Russia, compare Протасенко 2008
281.Some claim that Francoism absorbed a few Mellista concepts, "ya fuese sobre la monarquia o sobre el corporativismo", Canal 2000, p. 343. Others claim that "by no stretch of the imagination could the Spain which emerged from the Civil War and took shape during the early 1940s be said to conform closely to the prescriptions of Mella", Blinkhorn 2008, p. 297. A few detailed studies suggest that the thought of de Mella filtered into Francoism indirectly, mostly via works of his disciple, Víctor Pradera, compare Orella Martínez 2012, José Luis Orella Martínez, El pensamiento carlista de Víctor Pradera, [in:] Aportes 31 (1996), pp. 80–96, José Luis Orella Martínez, Víctor Pradera: Un católico en la vida pública de principios de siglo, Madrid 2000, , José Luis Orella Martínez, Víctor Pradera y la derecha católica española [PhD thesis Deusto], Bilbao 1995, Rafael Gambra, Víctor Pradera en el pórtico doctrinal del Alzamiento, [in:] Revista de Estudios Políticos 192 (1973), pp. 149–164, also Gonzalo Redondo Gálvez, Política, cultura y sociedad en la España de Franco, 1939–1975, vol. 1, La configuración del Estado español, nacional y católico (1939–1947), Pamplona 1999, , Juan María Sánchez-Prieto, Lo que fue y lo que no fue Franco, [in:] Nueva Revista de Política, Cultura y Arte 69 (2000), pp. 30–38, Carlos Pulpillo Leiva, Orígenes del Franquismo: la construcción de la "Nueva España" (1936–1941), [PhD thesis], Madrid 2013, esp. pp. 717–37
282."la sangre judaica es hoy rechazada por todas las naciones cristianas como un virus ponzoñoso", Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, El antisemitismo en España: la imagen del judío, 1812-2002, Madrid 2002, , p. 207; the quotation allegedly comes from El Correo Español of 15.09.92, though the actual copy does not contain this sentence, compare here
283."The Spanish radical right began to see the working class as imbued with Jewish and Muslim treachery and barbarism. The most extreme proponent of this view was the late nineteenth-century Carlist ideologue Juan Vázquez de Mella. He argued that Jewish capital had financed the liberal revolutions and was now behind the Communist revolution in order, in union with the Muslim hordes, to destroy Christian civilization and impose Jewish tyranny on the world", Paul Preston, The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century Spain, London 2012, ; the quotation comes from the chapter titled Theorists of Extermination
284.during the last 30 years (1986–2016) ABC mentioned de Mella some 50 times
285.compare La Vanguardia 04.10.82, available here
286.ABC 19.02.94, available here, compare also La Nación 21.04.27, available here
287.see the heading Tras las huellas de la dictadura de Franco y la resistencia antifranquista: Rutas y localizaciones históricas por el Madrid de 1939 a 1975, [in:] El Madrid de Franco service, available here
288.Madrid estrena la plaza de Pedro Zerolo en el barrio de Chueca, [in:] El País 15.05.16, available here
289.compare anonymous posts at madridiario service, available here, at lamarea service, available here, or at alertdigital service, available here. Among those opposing the re-naming, some defended de Mella as a progressist, claiming that in Spain he was among the first champions of feminine vote, compare Joaquím Vandeliós Ripoli, La memoria histérica contra Vázquez de Mella, [in:] Periodista Digital 29.06.15, available here. Indeed, de Mella voiced in favor of females being entitled to representation, though not in terms of universal suffrage, but by means of organic intermediary bodies they pertained to, compare El Correo Espanol 08.01.14, available here; another scholar claims bluntly that he rechazaba el sufragio político de la mujer, see Teresa María Ortega López, Conservadurismo, catolicismo y antifeminismo: la mujer en los discursos del autoritarismo y el fascismo (1914–1936), [in:] Ayer 71 (2008), p. 78
290.El País 15.05.16
291.here
292.e.g. in Oviedo, Alicante, Leon, Elda, Saragossa

Bibliography printed in the source article · 57

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